BBC Panorama Special Report 11 April 2011 – Living with the Ayatollah – P1 h/t Tor Gustafsson

December 12, 2011
not that I trust anything on the BBC or Panarama shows, but I wanted to see what the mainstream media thinks of Iran. If Iran had the ammount of money the Saudis had this video would of never been made by the enabling BBC profit machine. The Green Revolution is not our ally. It is not to be trusted. Mousavi is the power that built Hezbollah.

Who is Mir Hossein Mousavi Really?

June 23, 2011

An engineer by training,… Mousavi became editor of the Islamic Republican Party newspaper, which emerged as an influential force for hardline positions during the early years of Ayatollah Khomeini’s reign. In this vein, Mousavi’s newspaper opposed releasing the American hostages, and further served as a platform for the regime’s theocratic dictates – for example, the ban on playing chess.

Following Khomeini’s removal of President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr and the execution of Bani-Sadr’s allies in June 1981, Mousavi joined the new government as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Only four months later, the parliament affirmed Mousavi as Iran’s fifth prime minister – a move that The Globe and Mail interpreted as signaling Tehran’s desire to “expand its world role and ‘export’ its Islamic revolution.”
In this regard, Mousavi didn’t disappoint. During his premiership, Iran founded Hezbollah – a Shiite terrorist group based in southern Lebanon with active cells scattered worldwide. For Mousavi, Hezbollah became an important theocratic weapon: in the aftermath of Khomeini’s infamous fatwa against author Salman Rushdie, Mousavi called on Hezbollah to “take the necessary action,” thereby sending Rushdie into hiding. Mousavi’s government further played a central role in planning the violent 1987 Mecca demonstrations, in which Iranian activists sought to destabilize the Saudi regime and recruit Muslim worshippers to their militant cause.
Moreover, on virtually every major issue of U.S.-Iranian contention, Mousavi assumed a confrontational approach during his eight-year term. Beyond his strong opposition to renewing relations with the United States, Mousavi created Iran’s chemical weapons program – catalyzing a deadly naval standoff between Iran and U.S.-backed Arab Gulf states during the late 1980s. Most alarmingly, a recent International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report stated that Mousavi’s government purchased centrifuges on the black market in 1987, thereby jump-starting the nuclear program that remains at the heart of international concerns regarding Iran today. Mousavi image from Crethi_Plethi …and more info from Frum Forum

Babol, Iran Protestors chant Death to Dictator

March 17, 2011
Media_httpraymorrison_fllehIs Mahmoud Ahmadinejad having a bad day?…How is Mousavi the founder of Hezbollah opposition doing?…Lots of Questions… so we will just let you get on with killing each other.  Tah Tah!

جوانان بابل، مراسم چهارشنبه سوری را به صحنه اعتراض به حکومت تبدیل کردند
image from Crethi Plethi

Iranian Crackdown on Pro-Democracy Protests

February 18, 2011

Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Naghdi, a veteran Basiji, is commander of the paramilitary Basij force.

Iranian Crackdown on Pro-Democracy Protests

In Tehran Debkafile’s Iranian sources report that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad early Thursday conferred with Revolutionary Guards and Basij leaders on ways to further crack down on opposition protests after two days of harsh measures.
Since Monday, 1,400 protesters have been arrested and their whereabouts are unknown. At least two died of bullet wounds.
The leaders of Iran’s Islamic regime fear that the youngsters in Iranian cities will catch fire from the uprisings in Arab countries and be willing to fight for its overthrow.
As a key deterrent, an increase in the number of executions of dissidents was agreed between Ahmadinejad, most of his aides, Prosecutor General Mohseni-Ejehee, the commander Internal Security Forces, Mohammad Reza Radan, commander of the Basij (Mobilisation) force Mohammad Reza Naghdi, and the ultra-radical Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, Chairman of the Constitution Committee.
This measure later won the support of Ali Larijani, Speaker of the Majlis, who on Wednesday led 200 deputies in shouting for the two opposition Green Movement leaders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi to be put to death.
Debkafile’s sources report: In the coming days, the world will be shown millions of young Iranians pouring into the streets of Tehran and other cities shouting pro-government slogans – alongside the executions of dozens of young Iranian democracy-seekers.
By killing them, the regime will try and break the back of the Mousavi-Karroubi opposition movement. Judging on past form, they will not be deterred by international condemnation.

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Israel Matzav: Taheri: Forget stopping the nukes and change the regime

February 9, 2010

I’ve been reading up on Mousavi. Essentially the guy is to the right of the present government. He wants to decentralize things. but in 1978 Mousavi’s hero was Che Guevara and he still remains in the Leftist mythology. So while he is a reformer his loyalties are not to freedom. He claims to of been influenced by Gandi, but I see few signs of this beyond the fact that his people are getting beat up. As far as foreign policy Mousavi seems more hostile to outsiders then Mahmoud.

Amir Taheri argues that the world should take its collective eye off the nuclear clock and try to promote regime change in Iran. On the other hand, he makes it sound like regime change is inevitable anyway.

While it is difficult to predict the behaviour of a regime drunk on its own apocalyptic rhetoric, the “Chinese solution” is unlikely to work in Iran. Mr Khamenei and Mr Ahmadinejad are incapable of uniting the ruling establishment in the same way as Deng Xiaoping was in 1989. Nor could they rely on political machinery such as the Chinese Communist Party.

More importantly, they cannot be certain about the loyalty of the regular Army, which has suffered immensely under the Khomeinist regime, while the Revolutionary Guard could split into several factions. At the same time, the regime is also facing mounting opposition from the Shia clergy that could sap the basis of its claim to legitimacy. During the past few weeks, more than a dozen top ayatollahs, including some close to the regime, have publicly broken with it, warning against any bloody repression.

The history of Shia-ism is full of schism provoked by political disputes disguised as religious differences. Today Khomeinism faces the risk of becoming yet another isolated fanatical sect such as the Akhbaris, the Heydaris, the Nematis and scores of other long-forgotten factions.

The regime has already executed two pro-democracy activists and sentenced nine others to death. These actions, designed to terrorise the people, appear to have had no effect as all opposition groups are vowing to continue the struggle for an Iranian republic.

For the first time in 30 years, a substantial segment of Iranian society, perhaps even a majority, is prepared for a democratic experience. Today the mood in Iran is very much like the one that made possible the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, and the creation of the first democratic parliament in the Muslim world. Rather than chasing the illusion of stopping the nuclear clock in Iran, the outside world should take greater notice of the clock of regime change.

I have two problems with Taheri’s scenario. First, while I’m happy to see regime change happen (could a new regime really be worse than the current one?), I’m not sure it can happen in time to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power.

Second, while a democratic Iran might be more reasonable, I have seen no indication that it will abandon Ahmadinejad’s dual quests for nuclear weapons and to destroy Israel. Many analysts have argued that no Iranian will give up the pursuit of nuclear power as a matter of national pride and many other analysts have argued – with no concrete basis – that a replacement regime would be less inclined to act as a nuclear threat. But we have heard very little about this from the revolution’s leaders or from the Iranian people. In fact, if anything, Moussavi is even more gung ho on becoming a nuclear power than is Ahmadinejad, and I have heard no indications from the ‘street’ that they are disavowing his position.

From that perspective, I’m indifferent to whether there ought to be regime change. We have to stop them from going nuclear regardless.

BINGO! give the man a prize. Mir-Hossein Mousavi Khameneh is just as hostile to the international community.

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